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Ban Seng Hoe
Theoretical Assumption Most studies on immigrant folklore deal with the process of folklore change and seldom with the structural conditions, both external and internal, in which the processes give rise. A holistic approach to the study of immigrant folklore needs to examine the social organizations of both the immigrant community and the host society in order to delineate those conditions which give rise to the process of folklore survivals and development. In this respect, one also has to pay attention to the historical and institutional perspectives in order to adequately account for the functioning of an ethnic folklore in a new social environment. A general survey of the Chinese traditions in Canada indicates that the transplanted old world culture was affected both by the development of the community organization and the history of society. The preservation of a tradition may not only for reason of nostalgia but also for its relevant significant to the present and the future orientation of life in a new social setting. Let us briefly divide the history of the Chinese in Canada into two broad periods: (1) The period from 1858 at the beginning of a large number of Chinese immigrants to 1947 when the Chinese exclusion law was repealed. The Chinese population during this period was predominantly male, and ranged from 4,383 in 1881 to 34,627 in 1941 (Census of Canada, 1881-1941). During this time, the Chinese largely worked as cheap labourers, and engaged in hand laundries, groceries, market gardening and restaurant businesses. It was a period in which the Chinese were legally excluded, socially discriminated and economically limited: a period which I have described as a form of "internal colonization? in 19th century Canadian society (B. Hoe, 1976). Partly because of external hostility and anti-Orientalism, community organizations were formed and proliferated in most of the major cities in Canada. These associations were based on various criteria such as shared dialect, common geographical origin, same surname and lineage. Folk culture was used as a basis of community institutions and group solidarity. It was also seen as a coping mechanism for the problems of life. (2) The period from 1948 at the beginning of the humanitarian movement to the present era of ethnic pluralism and multiculturalism. The population during this period ranged from 32,528 in 1951 to 118,815 in 1971 (Census of Canada, 1951-1971). The immigration policies after the second World War encouraged the reunion of family members and the immigration of a "complete family? As a result of the reduction of racial hostility and opportunities for upward socio-economic mobility, the community is gradually disintegrating. Modern associations, based on Western models were formed and catered to diverse interests and needs. Folk culture is used as a means of communication with the wider society, and as a way of expressing their Canadian identity. The Canadian-born are no longer like their forefathers as tradition-carriers, but as creators of Chinese-Canadian traditions. Folk culture became a mechanism for cross-cultural exchange and inter-ethnic understanding. The Community Traditions Most of the earlier Chinese immigrants were peasants and artisans who were rooted in their folk traditions and peasant value. From life history interviews and studies in earlier written documents, we know that their pattern of interaction and behaviour were much in accordance with "the old country way? They demanded mutual trust and respect, and believed in thrift, hard work and endurance. Many worked long hours with little profits in hand laundries and cafes, and endured racial abuses and difficult living conditions. For purposes of collective survivals and mutual benefits, they created internal community institutions to regulate their socio-cultural lives. The formation of Chinatown was due partly to racial discrimination and partly to adaptation of their socio-cultural institution overseas. It provided the earlier Chinese with a folk cultural environment where old moral precepts and folk values persisted, and where there was an internal social system to cater for their own needs. It was in Chinatown that they could seek comfort and security, and where they could play a game of mahjong and sip a cup of tea among their own kind. The familiar crowd, the smell, the food, the colour, the architectural motifs and the language gave them a sense of security and an awareness of a common folk way of life. The proliferation of clan, lineage, district and multi-surnames associations provided the Chinese with a network of internal exchange and social relations. It also helped them to organize their life together, and to deal collectively with the external society. The functions of these organizations are to provide mutual protection and common welfare. They were based on the traditional concepts of mutual aids and assistance. I would like to describe these organizations as "folk associations? for they cherished ancestral way, good old moral value and peasant conservatism. The clan and lineage associations worshipped their respective ancestors and believed they all came from a common ancestor like the "water originated from the same source? They should all help each other like brothers in time of needs and difficulties. Most clan and lineage associations have many myths, legends and stories about their ancestors. They are repeated with living interests among its associatonal members. The following is an example: The Jan Lurn Gung Suoo in Montreal is an association consisting of persons of five different surnames: The Tarn, Shieh, Shyuu, Tarn, and Ruaan. The descendants of the first four surnames are believed to be related by blood and the last one by friendship and gratitude. There are many versions on the story of their ancestors. The following is the one collected in Montreal: A famous scholar-official Jiang Taih Gung was dissatisfied with the bureaucracy and returned to his village to retire. But he had offended a powerful family who vowed to kill all his family members. One of his sons, five years old and very clever, was away when the army went to his house and slaughtered all his family members. On his way home, he sensed something wrong and ran away to a Ruaan family at the next village. The army pursued him. It was supper time. The boy, when arriving at Ruaan's residence, explained his dangerous situation. Jiang Taih Gung was a friend of Ruaan family. Mrs. Ruaan quickly held the child on her lap and fed him with food as if he was her own son. When asked by the army, they claimed to have no knowledge about the child. The army left in disappointment, and the life of the child was thus saved. He grew up in the Ruaan family and later got married and had four sons. Despite all these years, the army was still looking for him. So he decided to ask all his sons to spread out to four different corners of China, using different surnames as a cover but with a common identification mark. The work of Yarn was chosen; and the surnames of the four sons were known as Tarn, Shieh, Shyuu, Tarn. The Ruaan family was regarded as a family which had adopted them. Whenever and wherever a member of Ruaan as known to be in distress, they should provide help (C. Hsieh, interview: 1977). Other associations such as the Lurng Gang Gung Suoo which consists of the surnames Liour, Guan, Jang and Jauh, and which cherishes the principles of loyalty, righteousness, humanity and courage. A famous Chinese folk novel, Romance of the Three Kingdoms features many elaborated stories about the ancestors whom the association worships. The Jyh Shiauh Duu Chin Association consists of the surname groups Chern, Hur and Yuarn. They believed that they are all related to Emperor Shun who ruled China from 2255-2205 B.C. The Huarng Clan Association worships Huarng Shiang Gung, a popular scholar-official of the Eastern Han period. The Yur Clan Association acknowledges Yur Shiang Gung as its common ancestor, a famous scholar of the Northern Sung period. The Lii Clan Association worships Lao-tse as its founder. The Maa Clan Association regards Maa Fur Bo as its ancestor, an army general of the Han Dynasty. And The Ju Clan Association worships Chu Shi a famous Sung neo-confucianist. Practically most of the clan and lineage associations keep a history of their respective ancestors and uphold their moral principles and great deeds. It is hoped that the great achievements of their ancestors will serve as an aspiration for the present and future generations. All these associations celebrate Spring festival (the coming of the spring), Chinese New Year, ancestors? birthdays and Ching Ming festival (an annual tomb-sweeping event). Ancestral commemoration is usually carried out at the associational premises. A simple ceremony is conducted by which the chairman and the elders give a speech or relate a story concerning the works and moral philosophy of their ancestors. All those attended the occasion will be asked to bow three times in front of the ancestral portrait which hanged on the wall. Tea, fruits and pastries are used as sacrificial food which will be partaken by all those presented. Ching Ming festival is usually carried out by most of the traditional associations in April. Some associations may conduct some grave-visits at Yur Larn festival in July, and Churng Yarng in September. A simple ceremony is carried out at the graveyard: an eulogy about the deceased and the ancestors is read; three bows to all the graves are required from those attended; flowers, rice, roast pork, chickens, soft drinks and wine are offered as sacrificial food; and sometimes paper money is burned and firecrackers are lit. Again, sacrificial food is partaken by all those participating. The observances of ancestral rituals and graveyard ceremonies, however simple, reinforce group sentiments and togetherness. It reminds those in attendance about their ancestral moral precepts, ethnic values, filial piety, family and kinship. It also conveys an historical sense of continuity with the past, though they are in an overseas setting. Traditional associations which are based on clan and lineage criteria are kinship oriented and are regulated by customary behaviour. Thus associations which are believed to be related by blood and marriage will invite each other in their respective ancestral commemoration and other celebrations. For examples, the relationship between the Maas and the Yurs; the Huarngs and the Wuus: (1) there are two versions of a story covering the relationship between the Maas and the Yurs. One version has it that a Maa daughter married to a Yur in the old village. Later there was a clan feud between the Yurs and the Liis, and all the Yurs in the village were beheaded. However, the Mass daughter and her son managed to escape, and she thus helped to perpetuate the Yur family line. The other version stated that a Maa daughter married to a poor Yur. She had to return home to work for her father for a living. Her father had two mountains namely, the "Dragon mountain? and the "Crow mountain? the former of which was believed to be of good "geomatic location? The daughter became a friend of a geomancer who lied to the father that Mount Crow was better than Mount Dragon. Later, the father gave Mount Dragon away to the daughter. Years later, both the daughter and her husband died and were buried in Mount Dragon. Because of good geomantic potency of the mountain, the descendants of the Yur family became prosperous and wealthy, generation after generation. The Yur family was thus grateful to the Maa daughter's father for having given them the mountain. The well-known Maa daughter had only one breast and became known as the "single breast grand-aunt? (2) There are three versions of a story covering the relationship between the Huarngs and the Wuus. Two versions resolve around the same theme: either a Huarng daughter married a Wuu or vice versa. It was said that a Wuu daughter married to a Huarng and returned home one day with her son. The son was later drowned in a pond. The Wuu brother then gave her his own son as a substitute. The story was later known to both the Huarngs and the Wuus, and they thus regarded each other as cousins. The other version stated that a Huarng daughter married to a Wuu and had a son. She gave the son to her father who had no male descendants. This was regarded as a "virtuous act? Thus the Huarngs and the Wuus were actually related by blood. Relationship such as the Huarngs and the Wuus, and the Maas and the Yurs facilitate interaction and communication among themselves. They invite each other in celebrations of festivals, and help each other in time of needs. Their relationship is enhanced by the above stories and folk beliefs. However, unhappy relationship such as the clan feud in the old country will prevent the associations from interacting to each other. For example, the Churng Yih Huieh and the Juhng Shan Turng Shiang Hueih. The Churng Yih Association draws all its members from different surname groups originated from the district of Juhng Shan in China except the surname Liour. It was said that the Liour group was once powerful in Juhng Shan and suppressed all the others. The Juhng Shan Hueih was expressively formed for the benefits of all the people originated from the district of Juhng Shan but in actual fact, it was meant for the people of surname Liour from the same district as they were barred to join the Churng Yih. In St. John's, Newfoundland, an oral tradition collected indicates there was an old clan feud between the members of surname Ou and of surname Seto. The "Ou?group was said to have invited the Hakka as well to "slaughter? the Seto members. This tradition appears to have affected somewhat the relationships among the elderly Hakka, Ou and Seto immigrants. The relationship between the associations at the clan and lineage level may permeate into the larger community institution such as the community benevolent association, where one association will tend to favour or to vote along with their kin or related association on a particular community issue. Though some traditional associations may have internal conflict and antagonism among themselves, there is a communal festival of which all associations participate without much squabble, that is, the communal worship at the Chinese cemetery at Ching Ming, Yur Larn and Churng Yarng festivals. The communal worship for the deceased Chinese was a non-political, and "non-divisive?activity of which both the traditional associations and the community members at large participate readily. In St. John's, Newfoundland, the annual flower service organized by the Chinese Community, is attended by all the Chinese from different parts of the province irrespective of political and clan divisions. In 1973 in Calgary, the financial contributions collected for the communal worship at Ching Ming was $378.75 of which the associations donated $168.50. For the Yur Larn festival, the associations gave $136.75 out of a total of $351.75 collected. The rest was from the community at large. In 1950, when financial contributions were solicited for the construction of a "worshipping pavilion?at the Chinese graveyard and for the repairing of the cemetery, a total of $6,288 was collected from the community of which the associations donated $3,425. Traditionally, most Chinese immigrants belonged to their respective clan, lineage or district associations, as clerkship, kinship or friendship constituted an important aspect of their social life and relations. Other non-clan and non-lineage associations were also formed to cater to different cultural and recreational needs, such as musical and dramatic clubs, gambling clubs, kung fu schools and business societies. Following the pattern of the traditional associations, these organizations also worship their respective founders, patron-gods and goddesses. For examples, according to my informants, the Chinese musical and dramatic clubs across the country worship Huah Guang Dah Dih, believed to be the inventor of Chinese music; Tarn Gung Yer Yer, believed to be the protector of opera troupes; Tiarn Douh Ehl Lang, said to impart knowledge of fighting techniques to the theatre personnel; and Lung Mu Niarng Niarng, believed to be the protectress of opera troupes traveled by boats. The Chinese gambling clubs worship the Earth God; for they believe that "the earth can produce white jades, and the ground can grow with gold? The kung fu schools regard all the founders of their respective schools as "ancestors?and carefully observe their worshipping rituals. Other political-fraternal associations such as the Chinese Freemasons, traditionally known as "Jyh Gung Tarng? with its aim to "overthrow the Manchus and restore the Ming dynasty? worships their five ancestors, Wuu Tzuu and their legendary leaders such as Chern Jihn-narn and Wahn Yurn Lurng. Jyh Gung Tarng was a secret society with elaborated codes of conduct and ceremonials. Even the Kuomintang observes the commemoration days for Dr. Sun Yet-sen and Chiang Kai-shek, and conducts memorial service for the seventy-two martyrs who died for revolutionary causes at Huarng Hua Gang. The traditional associations were in many respects functionally significant to the needs of the earlier immigrant community. The organization of Ching Ming festival, ancestral worship, Chinese New Year and Ancestral birthday parties were aimed to consolidate their associations and to promote mutual protection, welfare, companionship, collective solidarity and cooperation. However, post World War II changes of the societal policies toward the ethnic minorities also affected the structure of the Chinese community. Most traditional associations suffered a drastic decline in membership as the younger generation did not join them and no longer believed in the collective ideology of clan and lineage. The young and the newly arrived professional immigrants are more concerned with recreational and leisure activities rather than with the welfare and protective functions of the associations which have largely been taken over by the wider society. With geographical mobility as a result of higher socio-economic status, Chinatown is more of a business than a residential area. Because of urban renewal, some Chinatowns have declined and died. Thus some Chinese communities do not have a central place of focus for their activities; the community may well be defined as a network of interrelated institutions, the participation in which defines one's "Chineseness? Lion dance, firecrackers, folksongs, Chinese instrumental music, Cantonese opera, kung fu and Tai-Chi, costumes and restaurant food have assumed a Chinese-Canadian cultural characteristics. To a certain extent, these cultural items have been seen as uniquely and typically Chinese. If one thinks of kung fu, one automatically thinks of it as being Chinese. Increasingly, Western forms of associations and professional societies are formed to cater for their diverse interests, such as fishing and hunting, bowling and golfing, engineering and architecture which do not have patron god or goddesses. Even the societies formed with the expressed purposes of promoting Chinese culture such as the Chinese Cultural Society of Montreal, Vancouver Chinese Cultural Centre and the Sien Loke Society of Calgary concern more with using Chinese folk culture as a form of communication with the Canadian public, rather than with living folklore as a way of life. Some cultural forms are adapted to suit Canadian interests and conditions. The New Year banquet organized by the Sien Loke Society in 1973-74 for example, was an occasion to invite Canadian dignitaries and politicians; and cultural event which they organized included a "Yo-Yo?demonstration and a Miss Chinatown contest. However, the contest had been criticized by some local Chinese women as a disgrace to the 6,000 years of Chinese civilization. The moon festival sponsored by the Chinese associations in Montreal does not follow the actual date in the lunar calendar as it does not suit the Canadian climate. It was regarded as a little cold for an open outdoor activity by the traditional date. Folk dances, folksongs, paintings, fashion shows, kung fu, tai-chi, magic shows, opera music and folk drama are performed to entertain the public. Even some of the organizers do not know the actual stories and folk significance of the festival. It appears that the old world tradition is giving a Canadian interpretation and justification for survival. Folk cultural events are organized without accompanying an oral folklore. There are also evidences that the old tradition is increasingly incorporating the new world cultural traits such as singing Western folksong tunes in Chinese, mixing up Chinese, English and French folktale motifs, and cooking Chinese food with Western ingredients and modifications. The Family Traditions The transmission of folk traditions at home was largely hampered by the absence of women and children in the family as a result of Chinese Exclusive Law (1923-47). In 1902, it was estimated to have 27 Chinese women in Vancouver, one of the largest Chinese settlements in Canada at that time. (Royal Commission Report, 1902). In Calgary in 1920's, Edmonton in 1935's, and Quebec City in 1947, it was said to have five, six and one Chinese women respectively. In St. John's, Newfoundland, there was only one woman in the 1920's and 30's. In 1941, the Canadian census reported a total of 3,914 females as opposed to 30,173 males in Canada (Census of Canada, 1941). The imbalanced sex-ratio created a problem for the continuity of Chinese family life and inter-generational transmission of oral folklore. Field work in Collecting Chinese folklore in Canada indicated that there was lack of many folklore genres in the family, especially folktales, children games, rhythms, children songs, toys, and home remedies. The problem thus indicates that both the women and children are important carriers of traditions without which folklore will not be able to survive. The earlier immigrants who had to work long hours for a living, did not have the leisure to relate tales and songs to others. Folktales collected from the elderly immigrants are usually short in versions and lack of descriptive details and motifs. The situation was changed somewhat by the liberation of the immigration law after the Second World War. Old immigrant families?members were reunited and more family units emigrated together. In 1961, there was a total of 22, 122 females as opposed to 36,075 males; and in 1971, 56,015 females as opposed to 62,805 males (Census of Canada, 1961-71). The increased numbers of Chinese families indicates a return to the family life. However, due to the problems of urban living, social mobility, language difficulties, and forces of assimilation, Chinese folk festivals and customary traditions are not extensively practiced at home. Chinese New Year is observed as an occasion for family reunion and togetherness. Most families celebrate the occasion by having a special meal together. Occasionally, money wrapped in red packets are distributed to the unmarried children. Gifts and well wishes are exchanged among friends and relatives. Very few families however have their homes decorated and painted for the occasion in conformity with the tradition. Most shops and restaurants are open for the day. Most elderly still believe in settling debts before the new year, but certainly not among the younger generation who were brought up in the "buy now and pay later?credit system. Some youngsters do not even know when is Chinese new year until someone informs them. Ching Ming, traditionally observed as a way to show reverence to the departed spirits, and as an expression of kinship solidarity is practiced mostly among the elderly and some of the newly arrived immigrants. Sacrificial food, paper money and incense sticks are seldom offered to the spirits; and the majority of them are conforming to Canadian practices of offering flowers and wreaths. Most of the Canadian-born would regard the offer of food to the departing spirits as superstitious and do not conform to this traditional requirement. An old man in Calgary once told me the offer of food on the graves usually evoked the "curiosity appetite?of the white folk. A white man once asked him, "Why do you put food on the graves, your ancestors do not come out and eat them anyway??nbsp; He retorted that neither your ancestors came out to smell the flowers. The dragon-boat festival falls on the fifth day of the fifth moon. It was an occasion to commemorate a patriotic scholar-official who drowned himself in order to prove his loyalty to his country. Most of the families will consume a special kind of dumpling made of "glutinous rice?wrapped in bamboo leaves. They were brought from Chinatown restaurants or grocery stores. Not many housewives prepare it themselves nowadays. The moon festival falls on the fifteen day of the eighth moon. The occasion is believed to be related to the story of an alchemist wife who stole the "herb of longevity?and flew to the moon; or to a revolutionary story in which the moon cakes were used as a means to hide a message of revolt against the Mongols. Most Chinese observe the occasion by eating moon cakes; and some may organize a garden party with friends and relatives, enjoying moon cakes, water melons, water chestnuts, peanuts and tea under the moon. Winter solstice is an occasion to mark the completion of a year. A kind of dumpling of "sweet rice-balls? tang Yuarn boiled in tasty soup is consumed. The round shape of the little dumplings indicates the year is successfully "rounded-up? Not many families observe this occasion. Ancestral commemoration, traditionally regarded as a way to remember the virtues and morals of the ancestors are no longer extensively observed as well in the Chinese-Canadian homes. Family altars with an incense tripod and red paper with the writing of ancestors?names and other gods and goddesses are not commonly found in the family. Even the kitchen god has disappeared. Some elderly observed ancestor worship by burning a few incense sticks and pray to the sky. The decline of ancestor worship indicates that it is no longer regarded as an important element of Chinese family life. Life cycle celebrations, births, marriages, funerals are generally practiced with a mixture of Chinese traditionalism and Western symbolism. The wedding rite is carried out in the church or in marriage registration office, with a reception in the Chinese restaurant or at home. Most deaths are put in the funeral homes. There is no observance of mourning grades, the degree of mourning in relation to the degrees of kinship relatedness with the deceased. Geomancy is seldom practiced partly because of governmental restrictions on grave-lots. The models of graves are Westernized, and even some of the gravestones are inscribed in English only. In St. John's, the inscsriptions on the Chinese gravestones are bilingual: Chinese and English, with details on the name of the deceased's home village, and the dates of birth and death. The traditions at home in general is fast declining. Some families try to teach their children Chinese, and to inculcate in them some Chinese mannerism and respect. However, the young having been brought up in Canada is gradually assimilating into the mainstream of Canadian life. Conclusion We have broadly examined thus far both the Chinese traditions in the community and family, and the effects of these traditions by the policies and social forces of the wider society. Both the community and family are important bases for the preservation, transmission and development of ethnic folk culture which in turn also provides a cultural base for the consolidation of ethnic community and family. As the bases are affected by the forces of the broader social order, so do the nature and the means of transmission of the folk traditions. We can also see both the community and family as a form of social group, the members of which share a common body of traditions. The group needs a stabilized social relations and a regularized pattern of interaction. Most Chinese folklore do not prosper in the small towns and rural areas precisely because of this lack of social interaction among their own kind. As discussed earlier, Post World War II governmental policies of ethnic pluralism and multiculturalism have fostered in some respects the growth and revitalization of ethnic folklore. The policies may enhance inter-ethnic and cross-cultural understanding on the societal level. But, whether an ethnic folklore can be transmitted by societal means of communication, without a strong root in the living traditions of the community and family remains to be seen. Equally important is the question whether ethnic folklore as a way of life can survive in a disintegrating community; or how long can it survive as a form of public entertainment in a Western industrial society? In either way, the surviving folklore will be the ones which can adapt and change in accordance with the ever changing social, political, economic, cultural and historical conditions. The research on the Chinese folk traditions in Canada may provide some findings which may have implications for the methodology of contextual-functional analysis and folklore theory: The folklore carried over by the first generation of immigrants is essentially an old world tradition transplanted in a new world context. The contextual-functional analysis may take into account not only the specific conditions of a localized context but also the old world context in which it originated. There are Chinese all over the world. The investigation of Chinese traditions found in diverse social structures may call for analysis of context within the contexts, and the interrelatedness of different contexts in which a common folk tradition survives. Canada is a plural
society with diverse cultural traditions. The co-existence of different
ethnic folklore implies that different cultural traditions can survive
in a common social structure. If the functioning of a cultural tradition
can be interpreted as a form of adaptive strategy employed by an ethnic
minority to cope in a new social environment, then, the survivals and functioning
of different cultural traditions can be seen as different alternative strategies
for the coping and living in a common set of social conditions. We
may have many ways instead of one way to deal with the conditions of life
in a plural society. The delineation of a common element and variable
among diverse cultural traditions found in a common social structure may
provide some clues to the construction of a general folklore theory.
References Canada, Dominion Bureau of Statistics
Canada, Royal Commission Report.
Hoe, Ban Seng
Hsieh, C.
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