Summary

        Throughout the history, Chinese Communities have been showing a certain degree of adaptation within Japan, socialization in response to the generation shift, and ¡¡ssimilation?within daily life. However, as we can witness from the reformed spring festivals based on the old calendar that has begun from the mid-1980s, revival of tradition as with reorganization of ethnicity among the communities are evident. I have been conducting several research projects in Nagasaki, Kobe, Yokohama, and the home of Overseas Chinese, Fukken province, focusing on festivals and traditional performances, by discussing its characters and changes through time. In fact, Festivals and performances are vital elements for maintenance of ethnic identity in several ways; while their ¡¡ocalization?within the modernizing host society is inevitable, relatively ¡¡nusual?custom such as festivals tend to be a recognizable asset to the sustenance of ethnicity. Moreover, not only do they show ¡¡ifferences? to other ordinary cultures but also serve as an occasion for communal activities.

        In this presentation, I will discuss the society in Nagasaki known for its longest history, and that of Kobe and Yokohama being the representative of current Chinese Societies. By aiming to grasp the general view of ethnicity reformation and focusing on festivals and performances, Iéæ wish to illustrate an overview of Chinese society from macro perspective and their differences pertaining to each area from micro oriented view, in hope of revealing some of the features unique within.

       I have divided the festivals currently practiced in the Chinese societies into 3 types:

1) ²Ñingled Festivals? The Overseas Chinese¡¡ festivals and manners have been taken in, and fused in those festivals or rituals belonging to Japanese societies throughout the period. This is particularly the case in Nagasaki, best known as Nagasaki Kunchi.
2) ¹ßraditional Festivals? These represent the types developed by group of people from the same town/district, mostly taught and practiced through ceremonial occasions in temple. They are ?? (Nagasaki, Kobe) and ?? (Yokohama).
3) ¡¡enewed Traditional Festivals? These include part of the traditional aspect of Chinese customs, lately re-established in China Towns that serve not only as a means for vitalizing the town but also as a mark of tradition communicated through areas with other Japanese. These (new) cultures were formed in conjunction with those of Japan under the State level normalization of Japan-China relation.

        After the restoration of Japan-China relation, Lion and Dragon Dance were revived in Kobe, and Lion Dance was reformed in Nagasaki as the ¡¡enewed Traditional Performances.? In recent years, there are performances that have been newly incorporated from China and those that were introduced and played in China, also known as the ¡¡ewly developed Performance of China?and ¡¡nvited Performance.? Festivals recently established in China town constitute many of the above performances that contribute to the making of Chinese moods and experiences.

         Each of the three areas showed recognition for traditional calendar and began to held the spring festivals based on it around similar period insofar as to activate the life in China town, typically seen in ??? the Lantern Festival in Nagasaki. Such ¡¡hift?among the overseas Chinese community is largely due to the effort of the restaurant owners of second generation. In doing so, they planned a new type of organization for promotional purposes as well as for town¡¡ consolidation, intended for a kind of ethnicity symbol. The group has less in common with those traditional types formed by person from similar backgrounds; notably in Nagasaki and Kobe, organization is formed in collaborating with Japanese owners. Therefore, the new-organization sought to generate a town with ã³hinese Taste?that resulted in the recognition of ¡¡enewed Traditional Festivals.?

         Lately, Overseas Chinese Communities have been showing a sign of adaptation to the Japanese society. However, owing to the recovery of Japan-China relation, the improvement of image reflecting China, and the need for town or touristic environment, they have also been consistent in selecting cultural elements from homeland China, thereby creating some symbols of ethnic identity, and further vitalizing the ethnicity. It could be said that these identities arose in part from practical ends and intentions. Nonetheless, given the people¡¡ underlying attachment to tradition, these processes may then have led to a further intimacy toward it.

         While on a macro level, reformation of traditional culture and revitalization of ethnicity among the three areas have much in common, difference becomes apparent when looked from micro perspective. For instance, population of Overseas Chinese in Kobe-Yokohama area numbers to 20,30 times of Nagasaki. Also, Chinese schools in Nagasaki came to be closed from the decrease of Chinese population and the tendency to ã¥ssimilation,?but those schools in Kobe played a promising role in bringing up traditional performances till today.

           In Kobe, the effect of ideological conflict between the mainland China and Taiwan together with China-Taiwan¡¡ appeal prior to the restored relation of Japan-China not only made possible the introduction of Chinese customs in their own ways but also the reflection upon the tradition. Thus, ¡¡ravelling?of culture eventually became frequent after the relation had restored, and owing to those Chinese Schools?effort, the situation entailed a reformation of tradition. While only those who were under Government relation had strongest access to tradition in Nagasaki, Yokohama faced problems related to Chinese schools that led to a certain split in community as well as difficulty in the sustenance of traditional festivals and performances.

          Yokohama¡¡ case is a little different. Communities in the area were capable of reviving immediately the tradition and the residential towns that suffered some damages from the wars, which can be attributed to the relatively tight concentration of the Chinese¡¡ residential area in-and-around the town. In other words, whereas communities in Nagasaki and Kobe ¡¡oosely?spread their living space (and forms) out to the suburb, Yokohama tends to show a relative concentration upon areas, resulting in a certain stability of a closely bounded local community. But even so, such strong tie and autonomy as a local ethnic community were not only an asset to the passing on of traditional custom but became also an obstacle to its transmission; rise of the People¡¡ Republic of China caused ideological rupture in the Overseas Chinese society. To this extent, practice of Spring Festival based on older calendar meant to be a conscious effort by Overseas Chinese to overcome the ramification of ideologies.

           Meanwhile, we can see some differences in the management base in Spring Festivals among the three areas. Festivals in Yokohama are primarily managed and conducted by Chinese. Although this is done by a collaborative effort of Chinese and Japanese in case of Kobe and Nagasaki, festival in the latter has become virtually Japanese based rather than Chinese, after the city¡¡ offer of assisting in the Lantern Festival as an event for the whole city. In examining the Spring Festivals in the three areas, therefore, we may say that there are apparent differences in terms of management besides the similarity by means of ¡¡vents.?

            In Nagasaki, we can see a situation where the city (or an area) itself has embraced the Chinese Festival as a city endorsed festival. This result from the history experienced by the Chinese in Nagasaki. Back in the days of Edo period, many Overseas Chinese later sought to become ÓÇaturalized? in Japan as agent/interpreter ÌÆ Í¨ ÊÂ, who played a crucial role in adopting culture of the Overseas Chinese. Since the population and bond of Chinese in Yokohama is high and close, Spring Festival held in China town tends to be governed by them; whereas, participation of Japanese in Chinese Performance group is customary in Kobe and Nagasaki. In case of Kobe, Chinese population apt to be rather diffused within Hyogo prefecture despite its high number, which makes the residence in Nang-Jing only a portion of the population. Moreover, almost half of the owners of Chinese restaurants are Japanese. Therefore, just as Nagasaki does so, Spring Festival in Kobe holds a meaning of ±¹italization? of the town that is made effective by both Chinese and Japanese¡¡ engagement. Not only is the Festival meaningful in terms of ethnicity reformation-activation for those Chinese residing in China town but is also significant for doing trade and business. However, the festival will not be a direct economic asset to the Chinese outside the town.

        As we have seen here, the management forms of the ¡¡pring Festival,?which have been selected and reconstructed from the older Chinese Festival Customs by the Overseas Chinese in Japan, reflect the distinct characteristic of Overseas Chinese Society typically found in the representative cities of Japan.